ActRight

Illinois congressman Adam Kinzinger tells CNN's Wolf Blitzer why he will not be supporting GOP nominee for president Donald Trump. REP. ADAM KINZINGER (R-IL): My district voted for Donald Trump. I have a lot of great people that support me that support Donald Trump, that are probably a little upset with what I'm doing. I say this, look, great people support him. People each have their own reasons, their own decision to decide who they want to vote for. For me though, I came into politics as an extension of my service in the military and service to my country. I'm a Republican because I believe that through Republicanism is the best way to defend the United States of America, but I'm an American before I'm a Republican. When I see a frontrunner, or actually a nominee now, that throws all these Republican principals on their head, that a president who has almost unchecked power in foreign policy, who talks about how great Vladimir Putin is, how he doesn't even know that the Russians are in Ukraine, makes fun of the disabled, and the whole litany of things from the Gold Star family on. For me personally, and I'm not trying to say to other people that you can't support Donald Trump, I'm saying for me personally, how can I support that? Because he has crossed so many red lines that a Commander in Chief, or a candidate for Commander in Chief should never cross. It's a tough position for me to be in... We don't have to pick both of them. We don't have to pick among the two of them. There's a bunch of people on the ballot. There's a write-in option. I don't agree with Hillary Clinton on a lot of things, most things, probably almost all things.But, Donald Trump, you know? I don't know what he stands for on foreign policy. Look at, for instance, even yesterday doubling down on saying how great it would be to have a fantastic relationship with Putin. Our party, you know, me and other people in the party have said for the last six months how awful it was that Hillary Clinton did this reset with the Russians, and how we were taken advantage of.Now, you have Vladimir Putin basically pulling out the old KGB playbook on how to manipulate Donald Trump, and it appears he's fallen right into it.

Go ahead and play your word games and tell me about the cruelty of borders, the kindness of sanctuary cities and the political wisdom of abolishing ICE. And then tell me about Mollie Tibbetts.

WASHINGTON, D.C.—The Democratic Party has adopted seven progressive virtues as an official part of its platform: envy, greed, pride, lust, outrage, sloth, and gluten-free gluttony.The Democrats published the list of virtues on their website Tuesday and called on all party members to try to live up to them in their personal and public lives."Each of …

As early in-person voting began Monday, December 14, for the general election run-off of two U.S. Senate seats in Georgia, significant changes for absentee ballot signature verification and drop boxes put into place by Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger and the State Election Board without the state legislature’s approval are still in place. Meanwhile, registered voters “mailing” an absentee ballot for the general election run-off for the federal offices started more than three weeks ago on November 18, according to Georgia’s election calendar. 

The series finale of Paramount+ “The Good Fight” left social media users stunned on Thursday for featuring a plot in which a character claimed to be sexually assaulted by Florida Republ…

Tales of a rigged election — from the primaries to the presidency — continue to top headlines across the country. It appears astonishingly easy to do.

Henry Kissinger's famous line on the Iran/Iraq war was that it's a shame they can't both lose. In Tuesday night's primary debate they somehow contrived for everyone to lose, including both the Democrat Party and the media. It reached its peak of

Do it.

They are internalizing the wrong lesson from November 2.

A Leon County circuit judge on Monday dismissed a lawsuit filed by a South Florida senator challenging the use of state funds to transport migrants from

Donald Trump is not going to quit the race. The Republican party is not going to push him off the ballot. He may have a brief surge in the polls at some point, because the first rule of politics is that all races tighten. Then again, maybe not. It could be that Trump's surge came and went during the final week of July and that the tightening period has already passed. But while we're talking about things that are not going to happen, understand this: Donald Trump is not going to win. Trump isn't just behind in the big battleground states. No, what should scare sense into any sophisticated Republicans is that Trump is clinging to bare leads in Utah, Kansas, and South Carolina. He's behind in Georgia. This is not a presidential race. It's The Poseidon Adventure. If Trump were any other figure, Republican party elites would be making cold-blooded calculations about pulling the plug. //

Ms. McGowan said her partner had exchanged text messages with Ms. Argento in which she acknowledged sleeping with Jimmy Bennett. Ms. Argento has denied the accusations.

U.S.— In the wake of several primary and caucus wins, presidential candidate Bernie Sanders has been spotted at various campaign stops testing out different mustache styles in preparation for his inevitable reign as the next great totalitarian dictator."All the great dictators have a very distinctive mustache," Kyle Jurek, a campaign staffer fo …

Georgia Republican Senator Kelly Loeffler is set to hold a mega runoff election rally Friday with country music star Travis Tritt and fellow Republican Senators Tim Scott and Ted Cruz.

White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki defended Vice President Kamala Harris' position in the Biden administration on Sunday amid her sinking poll numbers.

The much-heralded FBI raid on former President Donald Trump’s South Florida compound three months ago was a literal bust — for the feds. As federal law

Peter Beinart writes angrily in The Atlantic of the supposed Trump intellectuals, apparently on the premise of not whether one has endorsed formally the Trump candidacy, but whether one has been critical of the existing administration. He suggests that I am guilty of suggesting that “America’s current leaders” are “predatory and decadent” and as one of “Trump’s intellectuals” have wrongly warned that “the natural arc of Obama-style progressivism is always anti-constitutional fascism.” (The quote is taken from a June NRO essay entitled “A Long Trump Summer” that lamented two “unprincipled candidates.”) I and many others, long ago in the pre-Trump age, cited the quite dangerous trajectory of Obama’s constitutional overreach. That worry is now shared apparently by the New York Times. Suddenly in year eight, its editors fear that someday another president, perhaps one less sensitive, more uncouth than Obama, might find his exemplar useful, but for less exalted progressive purposes. Thus the Times has characterized Obama’s overreach as “bureaucratic bulldozing rather than legislative transparency.” And more ominously it notes, “But once Mr. Obama got the taste for it, he pursued his executive power without apology, and in ways that will shape the presidency for decades to come.” Long before the arrival of Donald Trump on the current election scene, many noted with alarm efforts to circumvent the Congress with Obama’s “pen and phone” executive orders and nullification of existing law — whether the executive-order amnesties and non-enforcement of the border that he had warned he could not do before his reelection, given that they would be the work of an autocrat, or his allowance of sanctuary cities’ Confederate-like nullification of existing federal law, or his arbitrary reelection-cycle, non-enforcement of elements of his own Affordable Care Act, or virtual rewriting of laws in federal bureaucracies such as the EPA, or the quite dangerous politicization of agencies such as Lois Lerner’s activity at the IRS or the Eric-Holder/Loretta Lynch Justice Department or his divisive Chavista braggadocio (“get in their faces,” “punish our enemies,” “bring a gun to a knife fight,” “you didn’t build that,” etc.). Obama understandably grew confident that he could nullify or ignore existing federal law, on the assurance he was doing so on transformative grounds and thus would be largely exempt from press scrutiny. And he was largely proven right in his reliance on media collusion. RELATED: Obama’s Legacy Is Executive Abuse So Beinart misses entirely what has angered the proverbial people about the so-called Washington–New York corridor’s political-media-academia elites. The people are not angry nativists opposing legal immigration, but they object to massive, illegal immigration that is neither diverse nor liberal, and whose architects never seem to experience firsthand the consequences of what they created. It is not just the Iraq War per se that angered the people, but the elites who had urged the war and then by 2006 had largely and conveniently opted out from their preemptive advocacy (my brilliant three-week removal of Saddam; your messed-up years-long occupation) — while thousands of youth were still fighting for their lives in the places they had once been ordered into. And it was not anger at the wealthy per se, but at the well-connected elites whose lives are graced with cultural and social privileges, characterized by insider influence and generationally embedded connections that blind them to how life is lived outside their often ridiculous embryos — given that so often they never experience the direct results of their own ideological agendas.   RELATED: Will Obama’s Executive Overreach Be Policed? Finally, given the anti-constitutional arc of the last eight years, it is rich for Beinart to warn the good intellectuals about their true (anti-Trumpian) duties: to warn Trump supporters about the consequences of their ignorance, given that “America is a democracy because the people’s voices count,” as he writes. “But it is a liberal democracy because freedom of the press, independence of the judiciary, and the rule of law are not subject to popular vote.” Should we laugh or cry at that doublespeak, given the Obama Justice Department’s somnolence in the matter of the Clinton violations of national-security protocols, or the president’s own executive order circumvention of existing laws, or a free press that so often has chosen to become a Ministry of Truth.  #share#Beinart worries about the corrosive effects of wealth on democracy; he should offer an extension course on how the Clintons accumulated a net worth of $150 million since Bill left the presidency, or on the methodologies by which once-convicted financial speculator and multibillionaire George Soros warps the democratic process. Or he might collate the political preferences of a Warren Buffett, Bill Gates, Jeff Bezos, or Mark Zuckerberg. Perhaps he could recall who was the first presidential candidate in a general election to renounce public campaign funding in order to become the greatest recipient of Wall Street cash in election history. Beinart’s second commandment for anti-Trump intellectuals is to hone “their ability to push the American political system to address the combustible economic despair of the working-class white men who have powered Trump’s campaign.” For the last eight years, white privileged intellectuals have been keen to cite the apparent ‘white privilege’ of others — often those who don’t have much of any privileges. Note Beinart’s pride in his and other intellectuals’ supposed ability to “push the political system.” But, alas, by his own admission, they so far have not pushed much of anything concerning the “despair of the working-class white men” — raising the question of “why not”?  Certainly, for the last eight years, white privileged intellectuals have been keen to cite the apparent “white privilege” of others — often those who don’t have much of any privileges — in a manner that seems designed to assuage their conflicted psyches about their own demonstrable advantages. Rather than answer in intellectual terms, I suggest that Beinart simply take a sabbatical: put his children for a year in an inner-city or rural, public unionized school, or conduct an anthropological field study by driving out for six months to Dayton or Modesto, or take up some work-study on a farm outside Delano. All that might be of far more value than searching for quotes in Czesław Miłosz’s The Captive Mind (whose warnings, after all, were focused on the allure for left-wing intellectuals of charismatic, hard-core Stalinism). #related#In sum, violations of our constitutional freedoms could arrive in the form of a crude and blustering populist on the 2017 horizon; but far more worrisome is the fact that the dangers are already here, having arrived insidiously in the form of a suave constitutional-law lecturer, who assumed that because he was stamped as progressive, familiar, and one of the cultural elite, a liberal press would willingly overlook the means he employed to obtain their shared ends. The press corps need not worry that their freedoms will be taken away by Trump, given that for some time they have been only too happy to give them up.   — Victor Davis Hanson is a classicist and historian at the Hoover Institution, Stanford University, and the author, most recently, of The Savior Generals. You can reach him by e-mailing [email protected]. © 2016 Tribune Media Services, Inc.

U.S. Sen. Bob Menendez, a New Jersey Democrat who survived a corruption trial last year, is forcing his party to spend big on him as he struggles to fend off a Republican challenger.

“Public Enemy and Public Enemy Radio will be moving forward without Flavor Flav.”

China's Ministry of Trade alleges US misuse of export controls to oppress businesses, institutions, and individuals

A female event organizer told state probers in detail how Andrew Cuomo allegedly “grabbed my butt” — and her shock at being “assaulted by the governor.’’

A taxpayers’ watchdog group has sued the Biden administration to force the release of records of experiments Dr. Anthony Fauci’s agency conducted on dogs

Is it possible for GOP leaders to bring people along and guide the fire of this populist anti-elite fervor in a productive direction?

With her slight frame, long blonde hair and converse trainers, German teenager Naomi Seibt might not seem the most obvious candidate to front the growing climate scepticism movement.