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Trump plans to nominate a replacement for the late Justice Antonin Scalia next week.

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If you’re in the mood for a good chuckle, try reading the first lawsuit filed against the new president since he was sworn in.

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The nation’s foremost culture warrior is President Donald J. Trump.
He wouldn’t, at first blush, seem well suited to the part. Trump once appeared on the cover of Playboy. He has been married three times. He ran beauty pageants and was a frequent guest on the Howard Stern radio show. His “locker-room talk” captured on the infamous Access Hollywood tape didn’t, shall we say, demonstrate a well-honed sense of propriety.
There is no way Trump could be a credible combatant in the culture war as it existed for the past 40 years. But he has reoriented the main lines of battle away from issues related to religion and sexual morality onto the grounds of populism and nationalism. Trump’s culture war is fundamentally the people versus the elite, national sovereignty versus cosmopolitanism, and patriotism versus multiculturalism.
It’s the difference, in a nutshell, between fighting over gay rights or immigration, over the breakdown in marriage or Black Lives Matter. The new war is just as emotionally charged as the old one. It, too, involves fundamental questions about who we are as a people, which are always more fraught than the debate over the appropriate tax rate or whether or not we should have a defense sequester.
The participants are, by and large, the same as well. The old culture war featured Middle America on one side, and coastal elites, academia, and Hollywood on the other. So does the new war. And while Trump has no interest in fighting over gay marriage or engaging in the bathroom wars, his staunch pro-life position is a notable holdover from the old war.
Yet any of his detractors who is warning, out of reflex more than anything else, of an attempt to control women’s bodies or establish a theocracy is badly out of date. Donald Trump has many ambitions, but imposing his morality on anyone clearly isn’t one of them.
Instead, he wants to topple a corrupt establishment that he believes has put both its selfish interests and a misbegotten, fuzzy-headed altruism above the well-being of the American people. This isn’t just a governing program, but a culture crusade that includes a significant regional and class element. It channels the concerns of the Jacksonian America that is Trump’s base and, as Walter Russell Mead writes in an essay in Foreign Affairs, “felt itself to be under siege, with its values under attack and its future under threat.”
The revolt of the Jacksonians as exemplified in Trump’s presidency sets up a cultural conflict as embittered as any we’ve experienced in the post–Roe v. Wade era. “If the cosmopolitans see Jacksonians as backward and chauvinistic,” Mead writes, “Jacksonians return the favor by seeing the cosmopolitan elite as near treasonous — people who think it is morally questionable to put their own country, and its citizens, first.”
His emphasis on borders, cultural coherence, law and order, and national pride will engender a particular fear and loathing.
This backdrop will add intensity to almost every fight in the Trump years. Consider the president’s war with the media. Almost all Republicans have testy relationships with the press. For Trump, though, the media are something more than a collection of biased outlets; they are a particularly noxious, high-profile expression of exactly the Northeastern elite that he seeks to dethrone.
On the other side of the ledger, it’s nothing new for those occupying the commanding heights of our culture to accuse Republicans of being narrow-minded and bigoted, but the level of vitriol will be elevated to meet Trump’s frontal challenge.
His emphasis on borders, cultural coherence, law and order, and national pride will engender a particular fear and loathing. It is an article of faith among the cultural elite that these priorities — despite what they consider the aberration of November’s election — are the relics of a rapidly disappearing America that can’t possibly represent the country’s future. Trump and his supporters beg to differ.
The culture war is dead; long live the culture war.
— Rich Lowry is the editor of National Review. He can be reached via e-mail: [email protected]. © 2017 King Features Syndicate

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Continuing his "America first" blitz on Tuesday, President Donald Trump signed five executive orders dealing with oil pipelines, the pipe itself, and "regulatory burdens" he plans to lift.

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Comey says Trump asked him to stay on as FBI director

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OPINION | Same press, same bias, eight years later.

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Wisdom (practical, and by extension ethical) is required now as we clean up the mess left by Obama, his subordinates and the secularists who came before them.

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John Oliver devoted a show to the problem of school segregation without addressing one of the best ways to address it: allowing parents to choose what school...

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"I would take jail time over a bullet or an endorsement for what I believe to be disaster to this country and the strong and amazing women and minorities who reside here. Hatch Act be damned. I am with Her."

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President Trump?s adviser Kellyanne Conway is getting Secret Service protection after receiving suspicious “white substances” at her home, she revealed in a TV interview. The White House coun…

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Many of us are familiar with the famous aphorism by the English cleric and writer Charles Caleb Colton: Imitation is the sincerest form of flattery. Even so, I wonder if President Donald Trump feels the same way about the political candidate who is being called “Canada’s Trump.”
This refers to Kevin O’Leary. He’s a successful Canadian-born businessman and financial commentator. He’s been a brash, controversial reality-TV star on CBC’s Dragon’s Den and ABC’s Shark Tank. He’s also running for the leadership of the Conservative party of Canada, even though he has no previous political experience.
Hmm. Where have we read this script before?
Ah, but there’s one catch: O’Leary doesn’t want to be known as the Trump of the Great White North.
During an interview on January 18 with CTV News Channel, he acknowledged that both he and Trump “got famous on reality television,” but he believes that Canadians “need a leader that can actually deal with Trump.” He also told the New York Post on January 20: “We’re both businessmen. That is the common thread. But I am nowhere near the same [as] Donald Trump on policy. I am half Lebanese, half Irish — there’s no walls. . . . If there was a wall around Canada, I wouldn’t exist.”
Indeed, the two men have fundamental differences when it comes to public policy.
Here’s an example. Trump may have some capitalist instincts, but he regularly dips his toes into the choppy waters of economic nationalism. He is not necessarily opposed to tariffs, and he seems willing to abandon or retool trade agreements that he doesn’t like. O’Leary is a true capitalist and a bona fide fiscal conservative. He supports lower taxes, smaller government, free markets, and more economic growth.
Trump believes in a more muscular foreign policy, fighting the War on Terror, and keeping America safe and secure. O’Leary, on the other hand, has made disparaging comments about the Canadian military and has no interest in fighting ISIS. On CTV News Channel’s Power Play in February 2016, he said that Canadians had a “moral authority . . . to be peacekeepers” and would prefer this to being “war mongers.” On Ottawa talk-radio station CFRA in December, he said: “Canadians are known as peacekeepers above all and not warriors. There’s nothing proud about being a warrior. War is a desperate outcome for a human being. Peacekeeping is extremely noble.”
Many Canadians either dislike Trump or are fearful of his presidency. Polls have consistently shown his disapproval ratings in the low to mid 70s. The high-water mark (if you want to call it that) was in last November’s online Insights West poll, in which 80 percent of respondents felt it would be “bad” for Canada if Trump won the presidential election.
That being said, an Ipsos/Global News poll also conducted at the end of October contained an intriguing revelation:
76 percent of respondents say they’d be “likely to consider” voting for a Canadian candidate with a platform similar to Donald Trump’s that focuses on stricter immigration controls, reviewing trade agreements like NAFTA, shifting spending on international development to domestic priorities, and being “tough on crime.”
That’s not terribly surprising. “A populist, nationalist wave is sweeping the West,” The Economist’s popular Bagehot’s Notebook correctly pointed out on December 2. “It has to do with the economic crisis, globalisation, automation, immigration, stagnant wages, social media and a less deferential culture; albeit in drastically varying proportions in different countries.”
It appears that the Canadian reality-TV star can blur the differences between Liberals and Tories just as well as the American reality-TV star has blurred the differences between Democrats and Republicans.
O’Leary has been riding this anti-establishment wave, much as Trump has been. His campaign is populist in nature; he rejects the Ottawa-based elite and politics-as-usual crowd and claims he has the right ideas to lead Canada, though he has very few specifics. He also has taken a position on rebuilding his nation’s economy that puts, if you’ll pardon the phrase, “Canada First.”
As well, while he’s clearly libertarian and fiscally conservative, he’s never self-identified as a conservative. He told the right-leaning Manning Centre conference last year that he was a member of the “Canadian taxpayer party” and didn’t believe “old political brands” would matter in the next election. “I can choose which party to actually run in,” he said, “because I think there will be a leadership race in the Liberal party.”
It appears that the Canadian reality-TV star can blur the differences between Liberals and Tories just as well as the American reality-TV star has blurred the differences between Democrats and Republicans.
O’Leary doesn’t have to be “Canada’s Trump.” But it’s to his political advantage to use strategic aspects of Trumpism in the Conservative-party leadership race. Whether or not he wants to publicly admit it, that’s exactly what he’s doing.
— Michael Taube, a Troy Media syndicated columnist and Washington Times contributor, was a speechwriter for former Canadian prime minister Stephen Harper.

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The Democratic party seems have learned nothing from the recent election of Donald Trump and is prioritizing more race-identity politics going forward. How q...

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OPINION | Same press, same bias, eight years later.

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Trump Supporter Stands His Ground at Women's March in LA. "Big Joe" is based in LA. Interviewer/Producer - Jeffrey Mark Klein Camera/Producer - Tim Stabers A...

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Judge Neil M. Gorsuch, a highly regarded conservative jurist best known for upholding religious liberty rights in the legal battles over Obamacare, has emerged as a leading contender for President Trump’s first Supreme Court nomination.

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Over the weekend, all hell broke loose when President Donald Trump made a series of statements that were factually challenged. Speaking before the CIA, he stated that the media had created a fictitious rift between him and the intelligence community – a bizarre statement, given that in recent months he has accused the intelligence community of skewing intelligence regarding Russian hacking of the Democratic National Committee and of leaking against him. Just two weeks ago, Trump suggested that such leaks were reminiscent of “Nazi Germany.”

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Idaho Dems Exec Director: DNC Should Train People In 'How to Shut Their Mouths If They're White'

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Newly confirmed Defense Secretary James Mattis sent a strong signal of support to NATO on Monday, reaching out to three critical alliance partners and saying the US had an "'unshakeable commitment to NATO."

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On Monday, Donald Trump signed an executive order banning federal funding for overseas abortions – reinstating the so-called “Mexico City policy” originally created by Ronald Reagan. This is excellent news, and should be followed swiftly by ending federal funding for Planned Parenthood.

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After spending weeks bemoaning the rise of "fake news," journalists have chosen to double down with fake news of their own.

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Trump's National Day of Patriotic Devotion shouldn't be confused with previous presidential proclamations with similar names.

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The pipelines had been blocked by the Obama administration, and President Trump's actions reignited the energy vs. environment debate.

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President Donald Trump signs executive orders to advance the construction of the Keystone XL and Dakota Access oil pipelines, Jan. 24, 2017. In the public do...
